Jamel – the Survival of an Enclave

By Max Musson:

A number of enquirers and sceptics have asked what would happen once the authorities discover the locations of any nationalist enclaves that we are in the process of creating?

Most have speculated that the authorities using compulsory purchase powers, may try to ‘swamp’ any enclave by building an estate of ‘affordable housing’ adjacent to it or directly within the boundaries of such an enclave and make this housing available to ethnic minority families, however as I have stated on a number of occasions, such a tactic would be unlikely to succeed.

If we consider the fears expressed by many BNP members when in 2009 the Equalities and Human Rights Commission took legal action against that party in order to force them to accept non-White members. Many feared that ‘anti-racist’ groups would try to flood the BNP with non-White members and effectively either take over the party or make it moribund.

At the time I argued that the lack of a specific rule barring non-Whites from joining the BNP would not mean that large numbers of them automatically would join. I reasoned that firstly; given the violent reputation of the party fabricated by the mass media, most non-Whites would fear for their safety and would be deterred from joining the party even if they thought it would be politically advantageous; and secondly, that as culture and therefore identity politics are products of race, all but a handful of odd-ball non-Whites would feel completely out of place and would have no interest in joining the party.

As events have proven, my reasoning was correct and as far as I am aware only two people of non-White ethnic minority origin joined the BNP during the period from 2010 until the end of 2011.

If the authorities attempted to disrupt the formation of a nationalist enclave by moving non-Whites into the area, they would encounter the same phenomena; as non-Whites would be fearful of living in close proximity with significant numbers of people they would perceive as ‘violent neo-Nazis’; and if the enclave was kept devoid of all cultural features that might seem attractive to non-Whites, then potential non-White residents would have no desire to live there.

I have often pointed out that many pastimes have virtually no non-White following. If one attends the opera, the ballet, a folk music or classical music concert, or even a heavy metal rock concert, the numbers of non-Whites one might encounter in an audience of several hundred if not several thousand, can often be counted on the fingers of one ‘V’ sign.

Similarly, if one attends a motocross, rally-cross, MotoGP or Superbike event; a gymkhana, horse trial, dressage or show-jumping event; an agricultural show, clay pigeon shooting, or any hunting shooting or fishing event; or visits National Trust property; or goes hill-walking in Snowdonia, there will be only a miniscule number of non-Whites encountered, if any at all.

There are no laws prohibiting non-Whites from attending or taking part in any of the above events, they just do not find them of interest and this is a racial phenomenon in which such cultural manifestations simply hold no attraction for all but a tiny minority of non-White peoples.

There have periodically been articles and news stories in the press over the last few years, featuring the small village of Jamel in the region of Mecklenburg-Vorpommern in North-East Germany. Jamel has become famous because members of Germany’s largest nationalist party, the Nazionaldemokratiche Partei Deutschlands (NPD) have created a nationalist enclave based around that village.

Stefan Koester, a regional MP for the NPD, states that his party won six per cent of the vote in state elections in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern and the party now has five MPs in the regional parliament.

The NPD emphasises its communal activities – it hosts free drop-in sessions offering advice to citizens, and organises children’s festivals. Its campaign posters show families playing on the beach with the slogan: “Stop the death of our people. The country needs German children.”

Koester sayes his region is heading for a “population catastrophe”, adding: “In 1990, Mecklenburg-Vorpommern had two million people. If the forecasts are correct, by 2050 we will have one million people.”

“Many people in Mecklenburg-Vorpommern want a different kind of politics. A politics which is social, family-friendly. Other parties don’t pursue these policies. The NPD offers an alternative.”

The village of Jamel is composed of a collection of red brick farmhouses fringed by forest and approximately seventy percent of the village are believed to be NPD supporters.

A painted mural on the side of one barn in the village depicts an idealised Aryan family and features Gothic script stating that Jamel is “free, social and national”, an NPD slogan. The same slogan also features on a metal nameplate which is positioned prominently on a large boulder at the entrance to the village.

There are often parties and barbecues at the houses of the NPD supporters. These are often attended by large numbers of NPD supporters from the surrounding area and as one might expect, they are jolly affairs involving much merriment, eating, drinking and singing of patriotic songs.

According to Uwe Wandel, the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (SPD) mayor of the local district, what he sees as the worrying growth in support for the NPD in Jamel began when, Sven Krüger, a prominent villager joined the party, and in the years that followed many of the other original inhabitants moved out and were replaced by further NPD supporters and activists, who moved in.

In a democratic society, there is little that can be done to stop members of the far Right buying private houses, the mayor said, even if it leads to the creation of a neo-Nazi enclave.

“We’ve given up on Jamel,” Wandel said. “The police, the authorities, no one dares to intervene,” he says. “the ‘Nazis’ are laughing in our faces.”

The NPD have not had everything their own way however. In 2011, Sven Krüger was arrested, prosecuted and found guilty of the unauthorized possession of a firearm and was jailed for four years, and the party has faced stubborn opposition from one couple in the village, Horst and Birgit Lohmeyer.

The Lohmeyers moved to Jamel in 2004 having bought the initially somewhat dilapidated Foresters House, set in spacious grounds on the edge of the village. They are artistic people of a politically correct disposition, and faced with the changing character of their village, they have vowed fight against the growing NPD influence.

Prior to 2007 there was nothing in Jamel that might attract ethnic minorities and the increasingly nationalist population was sufficient to deter most leftists from visiting or settling in the village. The NPD had successfully followed what I call the ‘Royston Vasey’ principle. As far as unwanted outsiders were concerned, the nationalist villagers were saying to them, ‘this is a local village, for local people, there’s nothing for you here!’

However, the Lohmeyers, with the support of the SPD have sought to provide a focus of attraction for anti-nationalists by holding a ‘rock against racism’ style concert in the grounds of their house, entitled, “Jamel rockt den Forster”, featuring rock bands singing songs promoting tolerance and diversity and this event has been repeated and has now become an annual feature.

During these concerts the Police have provided a heavy presence, fencing in the local area and guarding the entrance, and things have remained largely calm, although the Lohmeyers to report one incident in which at least one of their supporters got into a fight with some of the nationalist villagers.

Since 2009, the Lohmeyer’s concert has had the support of Erwin Sellering, the Prime Minister of Mecklenburg-West Pomeria, and in 2011 the Lohmeyers were awarded the Paul Spiegel Civil Courage Prize by the central council of the Jews in Germany including a purse of 5,000 Euros. Following receipt of this prize Birgit Lohmeyer, demonstrated the significant sense of the guilt that the so called ‘Holocaust’ implants in the minds of many Germans and the consequent sacrosanct status of Jewry, stating, “this is overwhelming, that we as the children of the culprit generation should receive an award from the children of the sacrificial generation”.

Despite the above setbacks, the nationalist community of Jamel have remained strong and while the Lohmeyer’s concerts have attracted larger audiences of leftists each year, none have settled in the village and few of the unwanted visitors have been from the ethnic minorities.

It seems the Lohmeyers and the SPD have yet to realise that rock music is an implicitly White cultural taste and save for the once yearly disturbance each August, the concerts have done nothing to curb the progress of the NPD in the village.

It would appear that providing enclaves are sited in areas well away from centres of immigrant settlement, and in areas, control over which, regional and central government do not regard as economically vital, they are likely to be left alone. In this day and age, it is the accountants who determine much of government policy and providing nationalist inhabitants are sufficiently determined, and make uprooting them and disrupting their activity prohibitively costly, their community will be ‘written off’ and largely ignored by government, in the way that Jamel is.

Furthermore, as long as there is nothing within an enclave, and certainly no permanent feature, that can serve as an attraction for ethnic minorities, enclaves are likely to remain free of alien racial incursion, by default if nothing else.

By Max Musson © 2013

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