By Max Musson:
We live at a time of great turmoil and widespread disillusionment within the nationalist movement, to such an extent that the so called ‘nationalist movement’ has all but disintegrated and consists of a dozen or so small groups, which can largely be described as micro-parties. I would include in this group the rump of the BNP that remains following the organisational implosion of that party that has taken place since 2009.
The BNP at its zenith consisted of some 14,000 members, but has now been reduced to around 2,500, even counting those people who bought life membership, many of whom now want nothing more to do with the party. Of the other groups that exist, none has more than a few hundred members and some have as few as a dozen.
This is a deplorable state of affairs and not one that I describe to you with any pleasure, however it is necessary for nationalists to confront this uncomfortable truth if we are to make any headway in promoting our cause and saving the British people from genetic and cultural obliteration.
Furthermore, we must face up to the fact that at this time, the political party structure is not the right vehicle for promoting our cause.
I know that there are many nationalists who feel that time is running out and that we must provide the British people with the opportunity to vote for a nationalist party before it is too late. What such people fail to appreciate however is that despite sporadic and short-lived successes in which largely isolate borough and county councillors have been elected temporarily at various scattered locations across the country, and despite the BNP’s successes in just managing to get three individuals elected at a higher level in elections based upon proportional representation, the truth is that only somewhere between 3% and 10% of the population will vote nationalist with any regularity as things stand at present.
My experience is that around 80% of the indigenous British would vote for a British nationalist political party if cultural milieu in which we find ourselves today was at least neutral as far as the values underpinning nationalism are concerned. Unfortunately, the cultural and political environment in which we live is unremittingly hostile to not just nationalist politics, but to the values underpinning nationalism, and to such an extent that few of our people believe we can win. At every level and in every conceivable way, the environment in which we live has been so thorough infiltrated by cultural Marxists and imbued with their creed of political correctness, that it would be true to say our cultural and political environment has been poisoned against us, and our people can see this.
When elections are held, the people who might otherwise vote British nationalist perceive that we cannot win and they deduce that a vote for us will be a ‘wasted vote’ as it will not influence who gets elected. The public therefore vote tactically, for the ‘least worst’ of the establishment parties that do have a chance of winning. Therefore, if we are to ever get people elected to political office in numbers sufficient to grant us real political power, we must first convince the public that we can win. Only when a significant proportion of our people begin to believe this will they start to vote for us in significant numbers.
The ‘Catch 22’ situation in which we find ourselves therefore, is that where electioneering is concerned, people won’t vote for us until they believe we can win, and they won’t believe we can win until large numbers of people begin to vote for us. Somehow we have to break out of this dead-lock and it can only be done if we can control the culture in which we live and can demonstrate that we either have the wherewithal necessary to win or at least have a practical and credible plan through which we can obtain that wherewithal.
If we are to achieve this objective, it is essential that we reject the political party organisational model and for the time being eschew overt electioneering as a means of promoting our cause. It is essential that we do this for the following reasons:
Firstly, obtaining the wherewithal to win elections requires money and lots of it, and if we are to attract large donations from patriotic millionaires, of which there are a much larger number than one might at first think, we must be able to accept those donations without betraying the identity of the donors to our political enemies. If the organisation promoting nationalism is an electioneering political party, this means that whenever a donation of greater than £5,000 is received, under the Political Parties Elections and Referendums Act 2009, it is a legal requirement that the donor’s name and home address is published on the Electoral Commission’s website.
Obviously, even for a millionaire, it will be politically, socially and financially damaging to have their name publicly associated with racial nationalist party whilst living within an environment that is unremittingly hostile to racial nationalism. Therefore, the moment we form a new political party, we are in effect kissing goodbye to any prospect of receiving any donations larger than £5,000 and this is a crippling setback for any organisation that is serious about acquiring the wherewithal necessary to win political power. Indeed, the £5,000 limit and the need to publish the identity of larger political donors, was deliberately designed to deter wealthy people from sponsoring nationalist political parties.
Furthermore, any organisation registered with the Electoral Commission as an electioneering political party must submit annual accounts telling the Commission and therefore our enemies in the political establishment, lots of sensitive information that we should not be telling our political enemies.
The BNP have run into problems in recent years for being late in submitting their accounts to the Electoral Commission, because the accounts submitted must be audited by a Chartered Accountant and the professional body concerned retains its Royal Charter by conforming to certain standards imposed by the government, one of which will be that it has an internal policy of active hostility towards organisations that are considered ‘racist’. The Race Relations Act 2000 places an obligation on all public bodies, NGOs and private organisations wanting to maintain contractual relations with the government, that they have an internal policy of active hostility towards organisations considered ‘racist’. It is hardly surprising therefore that the BNP often found it difficult to secure the services of a firm of Chartered Accountants.
Successful electioneering requires the oxygen of publicity and this means that key officials, key activists and the party’s candidates must all place their names and home addresses in the public domain. There have been some instances of prominent nationalists being attacked at their homes, and while this does not always happen the possibility always exists and the fear of an attack is ever present in the minds of prominent nationalists and others who share their household and this places a strain on the marital and domestic relationships of prominent nationalists.
Furthermore, once we take into account pressures that can be applied to nationalists by their employers and the perception that prominent activism for a nationalist political party will inevitably be damaging to a persons career chances and therefore their income, one can see why there is a heightened incidence of divorce among nationalist activists, their spouses and families not always being keen to share their ‘pariah’ social status. I can recall Nick Griffin the Chairman of the BNP making a jocular aside at a Trafalgar Club dinner a few years back, that the party had virtually become a club for divorcees.
The pressures described above have meant that very often the members of nationalist political parties who would potentially make the best officers and candidates for those parties, those who are members of the professions etc., have shrunk back from putting themselves forward and that disproportionately, it has been people who have nothing to lose, that have taken up key party positions. It is not surprising therefore that there have been a significant number of exposés in the media highlighting the unsuitable nature of various people who have too often been selected as nationalist candidates or party officials.
The pernicious effect of all of these pressures is that nationalist parties: have been chronically under funded and run on a shoe-string; have suffered a high turnover of members, as key people become ‘burned-out’ following marital and relationship issues; have frequently been inefficiently administered by people who are far from ideally suited to the task; and therefore typically go through a cycle of growth followed by internal disputes and eventual implosion. This is a cycle that we have now witnessed, more than 40 times in the last 100 years or so, sufficiently often for us to deduce that organisation as an electioneering political party is a fundamental error that we must avoid in future.
I estimate that because of the high turnover of members and the constant attrition as existing members drop out, in order to achieve the 14,000 members the BNP had at its zenith, the party had to recruit approximately 70,000 people. Therefore, even at its zenith the BNP left a trail of 56,000 burned-out, disillusioned and dispirited nationalists in its wake. Far from advancing the cause of nationalism, the BNP has acted as a vast machine, sucking in freshly recruited, idealistic nationalists at the front and spitting out broken-spirited, burned-out and disillusioned nationalists at the back. With membership numbers now down to c. 2,500, there are now some 67,500 nationalists that have been put through the mill, the vast majority of which are now inactive, and we must halt this destructive cycle.
If nationalists are to ever succeed, we must convince the public that we can win and this can only be done by acquiring the wherewithal needed to win a general election and by first demonstrating to the public and to the vast number of currently disillusioned nationalists that we have a credible plan which will enable us to acquire that wherewithal. If we cannot do this, the public will continue to vote for the least worst of the establishment parties and our nation will be doomed
We must adopt new strategies and new tactics in order to avoid the pitfalls described above and we must face up to the reality of the Six Prerequisites that I have described on previous occasions. The six prerequisites that are essential if we are to have any chance of securing political power. They are:
A minimum of 650 MP quality local leaders and activists, who will potentially be our candidates in an election;
White enclaves, at least one in every constituency across the country, that will provide community powerbases and our core voters and supporters;
A network of friends who will be our 5th column within the existing political establishment;
A nationalist media composed of at least one TV station and a vast interlocking network of internet websites;
A large body of militant street activists; and
A ‘war-chest’ of £100m.
In order to acquire these six prerequisites, we need to create an organisation that is not a political party, which does not need to court the oxygen of publicity, and does not need to conform to the regulations and restrictions that government regulators would impose. An organisation that can employ a policy of stealth in order to grow and extend our influence without experiencing direct hostility.
In order to acquire the Six Prerequisites we need to embark upon a fund raising programme that will generate the funding that I have indicated. Without this level of funding and without the Six Prerequisites, no nationalist organisation of any kind will be able to achieve political power and so we should not waste our time debating the necessity or feasibility of acquiring these six prerequisites, we must simply press on with the task of acquiring these assets with fanatical determination, because the window of opportunity is a narrow one and we have a mountain to climb.
I remain however confident that we will succeed and in a series of future articles I will expand upon each of the six prerequisites, explaining why they are vital to our cause and how I believe they can be acquired and employed.
By Max Musson © 2014
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